By Alan Schneider, Director, B’nai B’rith World Center–Jerusalem
To get a firsthand view of the situation facing northern Israel 15 months into the conflict with Hezbollah—ignited on Oct. 8, 2023, in solidarity with Hamas’ atrocities against the people of Israel—I traveled this week up to my favorite part of the country, just a few kilometers from the Lebanon border. While there, I visited some of the municipalities B’nai B’rith had provided assistance to in the first months of the war and met with mayors, community leaders and security personnel who stuck it out as part of their civic responsibility while their communities emptied of residents in the face of thousands of Hezbollah rockets, missiles and drones.

By most accounts, the ceasefire agreement between Israel and Lebanon—which forbids Hezbollah from operating south of the Litani River, some 30 kilometers (18 miles) from Israel, while permitting Israel to respond to imminent threats—is largely holding. Still, violations are nearly a daily occurrence and could lead to a flareup in an already charged and tense atmosphere. Just a few days ago, the Israeli Air Force (IAF) intercepted a Hezbollah surveillance drone just outside Israeli territory. Twenty-four Lebanese were killed by IDF troops still occupying parts of southern Lebanon, as the Lebanese Army has failed to take up positions as stipulated in the agreement. Reports persist that the Lebanese Army is inundated with Hezbollah operatives and that its commander in chief had Fris sensitive information to Hezbollah about Israeli troop deployments.
With the ceasefire agreement signed on Nov. 27, 2024 due to expire on Feb. 18, 2025, (following an extension), Kiryat Shmona, the capital of Israel’s northwest, remains eerily quiet, still abandoned by a vast majority of its 25,000 residents. Many of the damaged homes remain in disrepair, shops and businesses closed. Still, it was a relief to be able to walk around the city with Deputy Security Head Ariel Frisch for the first time since the outbreak of the war without a helmet and flak jacket. On March 1, government subsidies that have covered hotel expenses for more than 120,000 residents from both the North and South will expire, forcing many, particularly the economically weak, back to their own homes. Initially, municipalities will need to support the older and economically disadvantaged residents, while younger and financially stable residents may delay returning, postponing the region’s recovery.

All the municipal leaders I met with termed the situation as “uncertain” and expressed concern that any renewed bombardment would send northern residents scrambling to rebuild lives elsewhere permanently, out of harm’s way. After 15 months of temporary accommodation in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, where residents have had access to urban amenities, transitioning back will be a challenge that requires careful planning and support. Inadequate bomb shelters and a lack of employment opportunities—exacerbated by widespread industry closures—pose major challenges for mayors and local leaders who want to get the region back on its feet. While funds have been allocated for some necessary upgrades, mayors remain frustrated that many projects remain stalled as war-related expenses strain budgets.
One community that deserves special attention from the Israeli government—and anyone committed to helping the North recover—is Moshav Margaliot, a backwater farming community of Kurdish, Persian and Iraqi immigrants surrounded by high ridges on three sides. While Hezbollah has been pushed back for now, and their forward positions—disguised as fortified villages—have been leveled by the IDF, a retreat of Israeli forces back to the international border, as outlined in the ceasefire agreement, would jeopardize the future of this community and others like it that determine Israel’s borders—forever. Whereas 20% to 50% of residents have returned to northern communities so far, only 10% have returned to Margaliot according to the Moshav Margaliot Chairman Eitan Davidi, who criticized the ceasefire deal as “scandalous.” Margaliot, with boarded-up homes and a ruined meeting house, is one of the communities that will need major upgrades to induce its residents back and attract new, vibrant populations. Without improvements, its viability in the future is bleak.

One anomaly pointed out to me by Hermon Panhandle Mayor Benny Ben Muvhar—a 23-year veteran running strong for another term—is that the ceasefire is due to end on the same day as the municipal elections are scheduled to take place in evacuated communities. Any disruption by Hezbollah could jeopardize the elections that had taken place nearly a year earlier elsewhere in the country. 86 polling places will be established around the country to accommodate the dispersed residents, with direct campaigning nearly impossible.
One disturbing aspect of the dislodgement from their homes and communities over the last 15 months, pointed out by Eyal Buzaglo, chairman of Moshave Dishon, and confirmed by Moshe Baz, chairman of Moshav Ramot Naftali, is that the death and illness rate among their residents has skyrocketed. This grim reality compounds the hardships of evacuation, with the effects likely lingering even after communities are repatriated. Diaspora organizations should consider now what programs they can institute that will help these communities build back up once it is determined safe enough to return. One proposal B’nai B’rith is examining with the help of business professionals, government officials and experienced volunteers, is to create an ecosystem that could attract businesses from Latin America to northern Israel, provide jobs and create an anchor for the region.
Alan Schneider is the director of B’nai B’rith World Center in Jerusalem, which serves as the hub of B’nai B’rith International activities in Israel. The World Center is the key link between Israel and B’nai B’rith members and supporters around the world. To view some of his additional content, click here.